A Year of Nascent Reforms Taking Root, Challenges for Future Growth

2013 has been a year in which many of the nascent reforms of 2012 have begun to take root, but also one in which new challenges have emerged. In 2014, there will be many opportunities for the government of Burma to show its commitment to democratic transition.

This year saw the historic meeting of ethnic armed groups in Laiza, Kachin State, with a second due in Karen State the third week of January. Despite such important conferences, the uncertainty of the ceasefire process has had an impact on ethnic unity. After several postponements, the government is planning to hold its nationwide ceasefire in early 2014. Such a public show will not be enough to solve decades of armed conflict and ethnic inequality; the government, its Union Peace Working Committee and all ethnic armed groups must engage in a comprehensive, inclusive political dialogue with all parties on an equal footing. An independent third party mediator would help ensure that the difficult underlying issues, such as the power of the Burma Army, political power sharing between the government and ethnic nationalities, resource management, and justice for human rights abuses committed by all sides, are finally addressed and sustainable peace is achieved.

Rereading The Glass Palace

As National Novel Writing Month began and I finally started writing a novel, I picked up The Glass Palace to reread. I first read the book when I started working with an organization advocating for human rights and democracy in Burma in 2007. Because the book was set in Burma, it was immediately one of my favourites.

In the last year and a half, as I began thinking about my own book, I have for the first time reread some of my favourite novels. Rereading is not at all as uninteresting as I thought it would be.

My familiarity with the plot of The Glass Palace afforded me the opportunity to pay attention to how Amitav Ghosh skilfully built a fictional story in the midst of historical upheavals, how he illustrated the characters and brought it all to life. Rereading this book was just the inspiration I needed, so much so that I kept wanting to read rather than write. It was the historical period and political developments that intellectually drew me into the story, but the characters that pulled at my emotions and kept me submersed in the story even when I put the book down. There were several points in the novel where I was elated by a marriage or moved to tears by the sad outcome for one of the characters.

The point that affected me the most was the second last scene in which Aung San Suu Kyi addresses a large crowd that has gathered around her house in Rangoon to hear her speak through the gate, from the confines of her house arrest. Ghosh successfully illustrated the hope that had been placed on her, the leader who could save the people of Burma from the tyranny of the military regime. In the last couple of years, this hope has sadly been eroded. Aung San Suu Kyi has become the kind of politician that Ghosh so elegantly held her above; she has gone beyond what would have once been her limits in order to gain more power for herself and her party, and allowed politics to take over everything. The final phrase of the chapter, “that it is just a matter of time before [the generals] are made to answer for all that they have done,” could not have been further from the truth of the last years. The generals have orchestrated the widely praised ‘miraculous transition to democracy’ precisely so that they could avoid being held responsible for their crimes. And yet crimes against ethnic minorities, farmers, labourers and human rights activists continue and it will take many more years for genuine democracy to take root.

Burma has taken a different path than the hope portrayed in this scene, but it does not detract from the beauty and vividness of the book. I hope to reread it again, perhaps several years down the road as Burma’s transition continues to unfold. Until then, The Glass Palace will remain an inspiration for my own writing.

Cooperation Needed to End Violence Against Women of Burma

To mark 25 November, the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, 27 civil society organizations have come together to launch 16 days of action that will end on 10 December, International Human Rights Day. The campaign began with a public ceremony in Rangoon on 24 November that included games, music and other performances. Women’s groups called for cooperation from all people of Burma to help end all forms of violence against women by participating in a “white campaign”, wearing white shirts or accessories during the 16 days to raise awareness about the problem of violence against women.

In a Burmese-language statement, the Women’s League of Burma called for the people of Burma to work together to reduce the role of the military in the governance of the country and achieve sustainable peace. The statement outlined the many different forms of violence that women face on a daily basis: physical, mental, sexual, domestic and community violence, as well as violence carried out by the Burma Army, especially in ethnic nationality areas.

Civil society groups have documented the harrowing extent of human rights violations and violence against women in areas of ongoing armed conflict. The Kachin Women’s Association – Thailand (KWAT) found that there have been 64 cases of rape committed by Burma Army troops since fighting resumed between the Burma Army and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in June 2011. Such acts of sexual violence and rape against Kachin women continue even as peace talks are underway between the government and the Kachin Independence Organization, undermining the peace process. Additionally, the displacement of over 100,000 people due to the fighting in the last two years, lack of protection for internally displaced persons and shortages of humanitarian aid have become significant new push factor fuelling the trafficking of Kachin women to China, exacerbating an already long-standing problem. In the report “Pushed to the Brink,” KWAT documented 24 cases of actual or suspected trafficking since June 2011.

Burma’s 8888 Silver Jubilee

Twenty-five years after the 1988 pro-democracy uprising in Burma, those who took part in the demonstrations were able to commemorate the anniversary for the first time, remembering fallen comrades and celebrating the spirit of the mass protests that spawned a movement for democracy, human rights and federalism throughout the country and around the world.

Over the last three days, thousands of those who were involved in the 1988 protests and those who have since picked up the torch gathered at a conference hall in Rangoon to discuss key issues in Burma’s transition, including peace and federalism, national reconciliation, democracy and human rights, and state-building and the role of democratic forces, including civil society in Burma and in exile, political parties, ethnic groups, farmers and workers. Discussions were lively and produced detailed recommendations for the future of the country, the likes of which would have been unthinkable only three years ago. Some points raised, such as accountability for the violent attacks on protesters, are still contentious today. It will be telling about the current state of reforms if there are any repercussions against those who organized or participated in the anniversary.

Outside the hall, there were exhibitions of photos of the 1988 protests, political prisoners, and the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (the armed group established after students fled from the violent crackdown to the jungle on the Thailand-Burma border), as well as a replica of a typical jail cell in which protesters were held (and in which human rights defenders are still being held today). There was also a heartbreaking video on repeat with scenes from the uprising and the violent crackdown, surrounded by a crowd of people watching with horror and sadness that such cruelty was possible. A group of musicians and former political prisoners led lively sing-a-longs of protest songs which they had sung together twenty-five years ago. Past all of this would walk notable figures, such as 88 Generation Peace and Open Society leader Min Ko Naing, Minister Aung Min, or US Ambassador Derek Mitchell, trailed by crowds of photographers, journalists and people seeking autographs or photos.

The event culminated today with musical performances and speeches, including by Aung San Suu Kyi, harkening back to 1988 when she first took the stage to address the protesters in Rangoon. Her entrance into the hall interrupted the program as media surged around her and had to be corralled back. Upstairs, throngs of people pressed together in the sticky heat cheering for “Amay Suu” with palpable excitement. On the front steps of the hall, a large screen was erected for the crowds who were not able to fit inside the hall.

After 25 years under brutal military dictatorship, the people’s desire for democracy and freedom is just as strong as it was then. They have survived imprisonment, exile, war and the death of loved ones with the faith that a democratic Burma is on its way and the spirit to continue to fight for it. It was both surreal and inspiring that the event was allowed to take place, and that it was attended by so many of the people who will play important roles in Burma’s future.

“National Race Protection Law” Protects No One

At a convention of over 1,500 monks from around the country in Rangoon on 27 June, senior Buddhist monks said that they endorse a draft law that would place restrictions on marriages between Buddhist women and non-Buddhist men, ostensibly “to protect our race and religion.”

The proposed “national race protection law” states that non-Buddhist men wishing to marry a Buddhist woman would have to convert to her religion. They must also obtain permission from the woman’s parents and local authorities before marrying or risk 10 years in jail.

The proposed bill is in clear violation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), which states in Article 16(1) that, “Men and women of full age, without any limitation due to race, nationality or religion, have the right to marry and to found a family.”

The bill also violates the Convention to Eliminate All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).

Advances and Challenges to Media Freedom in Burma

World Press Freedom Day was held on 3 May, marking an eventful year for media freedom and freedom of expression in Burma. There have been both advances towards increased freedoms, but also serious challenges.

Most notably, the government ended pre-publication censorship and the disbanded the censorship board, the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division (PSRD). Independent organizations such as the Myanmar Journalist Association, Myanmar Journalist Network and Myanmar Journalist Union, have been permitted to form in order to promote the rights and welfare of journalists, replacing the government affiliated Myanmar Writers and Journalists Association. The Ministry of Information and Communications granted permission for 16 privately owned journals to publish dailies for the first time in 50 years starting on 1 April, with an additional 10 journals granted permission at the end of April. Many exiled journalists have returned to Burma and foreign news agencies, such as Associated Press, NHK and Kyodo News, are opening offices in Rangoon.

Despite these positive steps, there remain many challenges to the freedom of expression of journalists and publications. One of the largest threats of repression is that the Printers and Publishers Registration Act (1962) and other restrictive laws remain on the books, providing legal grounds for the government to repress critical voices.

Government Uses Political Prisoners as Bargaining Chips Yet Again

On 23 April, Burma’s government announced a presidential amnesty for 93 prisoners. Media originally reported that this included 59 political prisoners, however, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has confirmed the names of 63 released. Among those released were 40 Shan soldiers, reportedly from the Shan State National Army, and former majority shareholder of the Myanmar Times, Sonny Swe.

In yet another illustration of the government using political prisoners as bargaining chips, the release happened the day after the European Union decided to lift all sanctions on Burma, except an arms embargo. Previous political prisoner releases also coincided with decisions made by the international community or visits by key international figures, such as US President Barack Obama’s visit last November.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s Political Reconciliation with Burma’s Armed Forces

On 27 March, Burma’s Armed Forces Day was commemorated with its usual military fanfare. But this year, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi sat in the front row of the parade, raising concerns about her closeness to the army.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was similarly criticized for her comment on BBC’s Desert Island Disks radio show about her “fondness” for her father’s army. While Daw Suu appears to be cozying up the Burma Army as an attempt of political reconciliation in her push towards the 2015 elections, the public widely continues to see the country’s security forces as the perpetrators of human rights violations especially in ethnic nationality areas and of brutal crackdowns on civilians in 1988, 2007 and most recently in November 2012 against protesters and monks at the Letpadaung copper mine.

Commemoration Calls Attention to Political Prisoners’ Struggle

On 1 February, a group of former political prisoners held a public forum in Rangoon to commemorate their protest against forced prison labor in Tharawaddy Prison in 1989. The group was arrested and imprisoned after the 1988 popular uprising that was brutally crushed by the military regime. The “Anti-Labor Protest”, as they called it, was an act of resistance to the first time after the 1988 uprising that prison authorities imposed hard labor on political prisoners. It was also the first time after the uprising that prisoners stood up for their rights and the prison authorities’ first use of widespread and brutal torture against them.

On 17 November 1989, 250 political prisoners were transferred from Insein Prison to Tharawaddy Prison in Pegu Division. On 23 November, prison authorities began to force the political prisoners to perform hard labor, but 6 people refused to do so. Authorities separated them into two groups, severely beat each of the prisoners and placed them in solitary confinement. The following day, other political prisoners demanded to see the 6 who had been taken away. When their demand was rejected, they refused to perform hard labor as well. As with the 6 original protesters, they were also sent to solitary confinement and tortured terribly. Three of these protesters died shortly after they were released from prison.

Released

On 11 December, my friend Moe Thway and his 7 fellow protest organizer colleagues were released from prison, as well as Ashin Gambira. It was an unexpected but bittersweet relief.

They still face lengthy court cases on charges of committing an offence against the State and disturbing public tranquility. Judging from other cases that many of them still face, these court hearings will likely draw on for months. Rather than providing a means to justice, the legal system seems to be designed to keep activists busy with court hearings in which nothing happens, so as to waste their time and try to keep them from organizing further protests.

But protests against the Letpadaung copper mine and the violent crackdown on monks and protesters are continuing throughout the country – including large demonstrations by monks that recall the Saffron Revolution. Protesters also continue to be arrested. Some are released shortly after being arrested; others are still detained.

After his release, Moe Thway told Radio Free Asia, “This kind of action under unjust laws causes doubt among the people that [the government] are reforming the country, and is weakening the people’s trust, I think. They shouldn’t do this.”