Burma’s 8888 Silver Jubilee

Twenty-five years after the 1988 pro-democracy uprising in Burma, those who took part in the demonstrations were able to commemorate the anniversary for the first time, remembering fallen comrades and celebrating the spirit of the mass protests that spawned a movement for democracy, human rights and federalism throughout the country and around the world.

Over the last three days, thousands of those who were involved in the 1988 protests and those who have since picked up the torch gathered at a conference hall in Rangoon to discuss key issues in Burma’s transition, including peace and federalism, national reconciliation, democracy and human rights, and state-building and the role of democratic forces, including civil society in Burma and in exile, political parties, ethnic groups, farmers and workers. Discussions were lively and produced detailed recommendations for the future of the country, the likes of which would have been unthinkable only three years ago. Some points raised, such as accountability for the violent attacks on protesters, are still contentious today. It will be telling about the current state of reforms if there are any repercussions against those who organized or participated in the anniversary.

Outside the hall, there were exhibitions of photos of the 1988 protests, political prisoners, and the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (the armed group established after students fled from the violent crackdown to the jungle on the Thailand-Burma border), as well as a replica of a typical jail cell in which protesters were held (and in which human rights defenders are still being held today). There was also a heartbreaking video on repeat with scenes from the uprising and the violent crackdown, surrounded by a crowd of people watching with horror and sadness that such cruelty was possible. A group of musicians and former political prisoners led lively sing-a-longs of protest songs which they had sung together twenty-five years ago. Past all of this would walk notable figures, such as 88 Generation Peace and Open Society leader Min Ko Naing, Minister Aung Min, or US Ambassador Derek Mitchell, trailed by crowds of photographers, journalists and people seeking autographs or photos.

The event culminated today with musical performances and speeches, including by Aung San Suu Kyi, harkening back to 1988 when she first took the stage to address the protesters in Rangoon. Her entrance into the hall interrupted the program as media surged around her and had to be corralled back. Upstairs, throngs of people pressed together in the sticky heat cheering for “Amay Suu” with palpable excitement. On the front steps of the hall, a large screen was erected for the crowds who were not able to fit inside the hall.

After 25 years under brutal military dictatorship, the people’s desire for democracy and freedom is just as strong as it was then. They have survived imprisonment, exile, war and the death of loved ones with the faith that a democratic Burma is on its way and the spirit to continue to fight for it. It was both surreal and inspiring that the event was allowed to take place, and that it was attended by so many of the people who will play important roles in Burma’s future.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s Political Reconciliation with Burma’s Armed Forces

On 27 March, Burma’s Armed Forces Day was commemorated with its usual military fanfare. But this year, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi sat in the front row of the parade, raising concerns about her closeness to the army.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was similarly criticized for her comment on BBC’s Desert Island Disks radio show about her “fondness” for her father’s army. While Daw Suu appears to be cozying up the Burma Army as an attempt of political reconciliation in her push towards the 2015 elections, the public widely continues to see the country’s security forces as the perpetrators of human rights violations especially in ethnic nationality areas and of brutal crackdowns on civilians in 1988, 2007 and most recently in November 2012 against protesters and monks at the Letpadaung copper mine.

A Long Way to Go for People in Burma’s Ethnic Areas

Leaders of ten ethnic and opposition political parties met with President Thein Sein this week for the first time. The meeting in Naypyidaw afforded the opportunity for the MPs to raise key issues, including the rule of law, changes to the electoral system and peace building. However, the government’s response to an MP’s request for the inclusion of ethnic languages and literature in school curriculum was illustrative of how it views the rights of ethnic people and minorities.

Railway Minister and Thein Sein’s chief negotiator with armed ethnic groups, Aung Min, said that the government would allow teaching the Mon language and would provide US$1 million to fund it. However, Banyar Aung Moe, an Upper House MP for the All Mon Regions Democracy Party said, “[Aung Min] told us that the teaching time would be out of school hours. I am not satisfied with this as our party proposed allowing teaching in the government’s school time.”

Also this week, the speaker of the Lower House of Parliament, Shwe Mann, reportedly told Banyar Aung Moe that the government agrees to set up a federal union at some point in the future in order to achieve peace. However, when looking at the reality that ethnic people face, it is easy to take such comments as those from Aung Min and Shwe Mann as little more than empty placations.

Local Communities and Supporters Express Concerns About Development Projects in Burma

As Thein Sein’s government takes small steps towards democratic transition, the people of Burma are expressing concerns about problematic development projects already underway. These projects, many of which are in ethnic states, directly contribute to human rights violations and increased militarization in project areas, as well as having negative social, economic and environmental impacts.

On 1 March, activists from Burma and around the world participated in a Global Day of Action against the Shwe Gas Pipeline Project that cuts across the country from western Arakan State to China. One hundred and thirty organizations from more than 20 countries signed an open letter to President Thein Sein calling for the suspension of the Shwe Gas project. The letter condemned the confiscation of thousands of acres of farmlands and restriction of access to traditional fishing areas for the project, as well as increased militarization and displacement along the pipeline corridor. The project will generate the country’s largest source of foreign revenue at US$29 billion over 30 years. Furthermore, the gas will be exported to China, while around 75% of the people in Burma do not receive electricity from the national grid.

“Resentment to these pipelines is growing day by day, Thein Sein should listen to the will of the people,” said Wong Aung, Coordinator of the Shwe Gas Movement. “Under the current unaccountable structure, gas monies from the project will only feed corruption and not benefit the people,” said Wong Aung, International Coordinator of the Shwe Gas Movement.

ASEAN Leader’s Visit to Burma Unwittingly Shows Many Needed Steps

This past week, ASEAN Secretary-General Surin Pitsuwan traveled to Burma where he met with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, President Thein Sein and Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin. While ASEAN and its leaders tend to view developments in Burma through rose-tinted glasses, several of Surin’s comments during and after his visit illustrated just how many more steps are actually needed for there to be genuine reform in the country.

At a press conference at the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand following his trip, Surin said, “If Myanmar is going to carry out its chairmanship successfully, many things need to happen within the next two years.” He elaborated that the country will need to invest in roads, telecommunications, hotels and internet systems for the thousands of national leaders, delegates and journalists that will attend.

What Surin failed to mention is that the regime will also have to take the much more difficult step of opening space for debate, especially when it comes to the civil society conference that is traditionally held alongside the ASEAN Summit. In previous years, these conferences brought together civil society actors from throughout the region to discuss important issues of social, economic and political rights in the host country as well as the region. These conferences were a forum for independent civil society groups and peoples’ movements to raise their concerns on these issues with ASEAN leaders, and call on them to commit to and comply with the ASEAN Charter in promoting and protecting human rights and the advancement of democratization in the region. However, Burma and regional civil society groups worry that Burma’s regime will not allow this process to happen as an independent process of the people, or that it will try to restrict participation or topics to be addressed.

Crucial Benchmarks Must Be Met Before Sanctions Fully Lifted

On 23 January, the Foreign Affairs Council of the European Union decided to lift the visa bans on Burma’s top government officials, including President Thein Sein, the vice-presidents, ministers and speakers of the two houses of Parliament. In its statement, the Council praised the recent reforms made by Thein Sein’s government while ignoring the serious issues that have not yet been addressed, including ongoing armed conflict and grave human rights abuses in ethnic nationality areas, continued detention of hundreds of political prisoners, and failure to make critical political, economic and legal reforms.

Contrary to the Council’s statement, Thein Sein’s government has not made enough effort to engage ethnic nationalities in the political process. While there have been ceasefires reached with some armed ethnic groups and initial steps taken towards agreements with the Karen National Union and Kachin Independence Organization, the government has not shown the willingness to address the underlying political issues of ethnic equality and self-determination. Furthermore, the Burma Army continues to deploy troops, engage in battle with the Kachin Independence Army and attack civilians fleeing from fighting, giving reasons to doubt the government’s sincerity in achieving peace.

Ceasefire and Political Dialogue, Highest Hurdles Ahead for Thein Sein’s Government

Thein Sein’s government has been applauded for some recent reforms, including last week’s release of 299 political prisoners. However, one of the biggest hurdles remaining for the regime will be dealing with the ongoing armed conflict in Eastern Burma and the political concerns of the country’s ethnic nationalities.

President Thein Sein has issued two separate orders to halt offensives against the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the most recent of the two coming the day before the regime’s delegation led by Aung Thaung was set to meet with the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO). According to Minister of Immigration and Population, Khin Yi, this most recent order covered the entire country. However, the Burma Army continued launching attacks against the KIA, including on the second day of the ceasefire talks between the regime and the KIO, resulting in a premature end of the negotiations. The Burma Army’s ongoing attacks continue to raise serious questions about Thein Sein’s decision-making power within the regime.

Calling the Regime’s Bluff

In a press conference today, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi spoke about the expected release of political prisoners and refrained from answering any questions about whether the National League for Democracy (NLD) would re-register as a political party. The party has recently held several internal meetings to discuss the pending decision about re-registration and the possibility of running in the by-elections to be held before the end of the year, and will meet again on 18 November. At the moment, it remains unclear what the NLD will decide.

While there has been a lack of transparency around the recent meetings between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the regime, the two sides appear to be on unequal playing fields. It seems probable that the two sides have been negotiating next steps, with the regime using the release of remaining political prisoners as a bargaining chip for the re-registration of the NLD.

Released Political Prisoners Reaffirm Their Commitment to Working for Human Rights and National Reconciliation in Burma

On 12 October, the regime released 6,359 prisoners from prisons across the country. However, the amnesty included only 220 political prisoners, leaving as many as 1,800 behind bars. The international community overwhelmingly responded by urging the regime to release the remaining political prisoners, including UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burma, Tomás Ojea Quintana.

Burmese language media and blogs carried many moving interviews with political prisoners who were released, in which they spoke about detention conditions, the disappointing number of political prisoners released and how they would continue to work to improve the situation of human rights and democracy in Burma.

One of the most prominent political prisoners released, and most vocal critics, has been the popular comedian Zarganar. Arrested in 2008 for criticizing the regime’s relief efforts in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis, Zarganar has never been one to tread lightly. Upon his release, the comedian immediately began criticizing the regime for not releasing all political prisoners, saying that they are being used by the regime as bargaining chips with the international community. Zarganar described President Thein Sein’s efforts at national reconciliation as “applying make-up to a paralyzed old woman and sending her out into the street.” He also declared that he would do everything he could to help ensure that all political prisoners are released by the end of the year, and today, announced his plan to visit political prisoners who are still detained and distribute packages “as moral support.”

Hello Again

Yes, it has been a VERY long time since I’ve posted anything on this blog. I haven’t written much in my personal time in the last year or so, mostly because I spend my entire day writing at work. Instead of continuing my silence, I’ve decided to post some things from my work with Burma Partnership that are sharable and perhaps of interest to anyone who may read this blog. These posts are of course for work, do not necessarily represent my own views and might not take the form they perhaps would if I was writing for myself. Nonetheless, they are my writing and I always welcome comments and feedback.

~ J